URGENT -  ALERT TO ALL U'WA SUPPORTERS!!

Call to action! The U'wa need international solidarity! 2. National Indigenous Organization of Colombia Communique May 16 3. Military vote update - US activists call your Senators! 4. NATION article - Al Gore, Oxy and the U'wa 

1 On Monday May 15th, a Colombian high court revoked the injunction that had suspended Occidental Petroleum's drilling project on U'wa ancestral lands. The injunction, issued March 30th, which had helped de-escalate violence in the U'wa region over the past 6 weeks, was issued because Oxy's project would potentially violate the U'wa's "fundamental rights." With the revocation of the injunction it is clear that Colombia is not abiding by it's own precedent-setting indigenous laws and has instead chosen to protect multinational oil interests. We now must take action as Oxy and the Colombian government move forward again with their genocidal project. The U'wa and their supporters in Colombia are immediately mobilizing to send the strongest message possible that this project will not go forward. 

THERE IS STILL TIME TO DEACTIVATE THE DEADLY BOMB HANGING AROUND THE NECK OF THE U'WA PEOPLE (This metaphor refers to a death in Colombia that occurred on Monday May 15, 2000, in which 52 year old woman, Elvira Cortes Gil, was attacked by the FARC guerilla group for failing to pay the FARC's extortion "tax". A bomb was attached to her neck and money was asked for in return for her life. The bomb detonated, killing both the woman and the bomb squad member who was working to diffuse it.) Six weeks ago a judge from the Penal Circuit of Bogota ruled in favor of the injunction filed by the U'wa people, recognizing the imminent danger that they face from oil exploration in their territory. The decision was appealed by the national government and the international oil company, Occidental Petroleum, and yesterday the Superior Tribunal overturned the initial decision. 

In response, the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia would like to declare to the public opinion that: 

1. In our country economic interests continue to take priority over the right to life and the cultural integrity of indigenous peoples. 

2. The Colombian people have been induced into an extreme dependence upon money, which has led to random acts of violence proving that the human condition has reached a critical level. In permitting the oil project to go forward the government is encircling the "neck" of the U'wa community with a deadly bomb that threatens to annihilate them. In this case, the U'wa have not even been allowed the option of buying back their own lives. With Oxy's oil project the bomb will inevitably explode. 

3. When the first massacre occurred, the first embezzlement, the first rape, the first robbery.....nobody stood up to defend their rights. The Colombian people did not have the ability to prevent the situation from getting worse. The indigenous peoples, and in this case the U'wa, at the first perception of risk to their culture, to their rights, to their natural laws, rose up to demand respect and all the indigenous peoples rose up with them; is this not the great lesson that the country should learn from the indigenous peoples? 

4. We have been told that without the oil from Samoré Block, the country will have to import oil in the year 2004. We have been told that Samore will be the panacea of the country. We have been told so many things that they have confused our collective memory and that is why we have forgotten that this issue was preceded by, and can be traced to, another time when we were promised that the crude from Caño Limón would be the salvation of the country's finances. But that didn't happen, and instead of the promised benefits, another indigenous peoples faces extinction. They have left cities with violence, prostitution and unhealthy ambitions. They have told us so many lies that they have confused our collective memory and withered the hearts all Colombians. Finally, we hope that all the indigenous peoples and the social sectors of the country and of the world will help diffuse this deadly bomb that encircles the U'wa peoples' neck and could end the lives of the U'wa and all indigenous peoples of Colombia. We still have time!
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Santafé de Bogotá, May 16, 2000

Now that the injunction has been overturned, a strong statement of international solidarity is necessary to attempt to ensure the permanent protection of the U'wa territory and culture. In the US we have a powerful way to support the U'wa struggle by pressuring Al Gore and the entire Democratic Party to take action for the U'wa. We must also target Oxy's financial backers like Fidelity Investments and demand that our Senators vote for peace in Colombia and not for more military aid.

We need to let Al Gore and Fidelity know that we will not sit idly by as the U'wa's culture and land is destroyed. Let's let Al Gore know that it is imperative that he be a leader and stand up for human and environmental rights! For full details on Gore's connection to Occidental see "The Nation" article below.
 
 

See the Gore2000 offices locations list below, or find your nearest DNC office at: http://www.democrats.org/action/ OR CONTACT THE NATIONAL OFFICE Democratic National Committee 430 S. Capitol St. SE Washington, DC 20003 Phone Number: 202-863-8000 Also Visit you local Fidelity Office and tell them that their irresponsible investing is threatening an entire indigenous culture! 

In the US find your nearest Fidelity Investor center at : http://personal400.fidelity.com/gen/centers/invstctr.html.tvsr 

Internationally get free phone numbers to call Fidelity from around the world at : http://www100.fidelity.com/about/contact/inter.html

Send letters of protest to Fidelity's CEO : Mr. Edward Johnson III, Chairman Fidelity Investments 82 Devonshire Street, Boston, MA 02109 fax # = 617-476-4164 Gore 2000 offices:

California: Los Angeles, 501 Shatto Place 213-387-5005, california@algore2000.com 

Florida: Tampa, 3608 West Azeelo 813-350-0649 813-350-0588 Fax, FL4gore@worldnet.att.net Michigan: Lansing, 419 S. Washington Sq. South, Ste. 305B 517-267-8837 517-267-8847 Fax, MI4gore@ worldnet.att.net 

New York: New York City, 450 7th Ave., Suite 509 212-947-5000, newyork@algore2000.com 

Oregon: Portland, 4445 SW Barbur Blvd., Suite 104A 503-241-7784 503-224-5335 Fax, OR4Gore@worldnet.att.net Tennessee: 

Nashville, 2410 Charlotte Ave. 615-340-2000, gorecorps@gorenet.com 

Washington: Seattle, 2801 First Ave., Rm. 64 206-239-9554, gore2000washington@earthlink.net 

Kentucky: Frankfort, 190 Democratic Drive 502-695-8240 502-695-0826 Fax, KY4gore@worldnet.att.net 

Ohio: Columbus, 380 E. Town St. 614-224-9335, ohioansforgore@yahoo.com 

For more information visit Rainforest Action Network's website at http://www.ran.org or contact: 415-398-4404/1-800-989-RAIN Lauren Sullivan, U'wa campaigner, RAN: lsullivan@ran.org 

Patrick Reinsborough, Grassroots Coordinator, RAN: organize@ran.org 

The U'wa and their supporters are gathering again to occupy the proposed Gibraltar I drillsite. They desperately need financial support to help them continue their occupation, feed and accomodate thousands of blockaders, and to pursue other legal avenues to stop Oxy once and for all. Please send any donations to Amazon Watch, 20110 Rockport Way, Malibu, CA 90265 USA Earmarked: U'wa Defense 
 
 

One of the world's hottest battles between indigenous groups and multinational oil companies is heating up in Colombia, where Occidental Petroleum is seeking to drill on land claimed by the 5,000-member U'wa tribe. Early this year, the Colombian government deployed several hundred soldiers to guard workers building a road to the multibillion-dollar project. That led to a clash in February when security forces used tear gas to break up an anti-Occidental demonstration of several hundred Indians. Three children reportedly drowned when they fell into a river as they fled from government troops. 

The U'was won at least a temporary victory on March 31, when a Colombian court ordered the government to stop Occidental from drilling on tribal land. Meanwhile, an international campaign opposing Occidental's plan is also picking up steam. On April 28 about 100 demonstrators turned up at Occidental's annual meeting in Santa Monica and called on the company to halt the project. Activists have also picketed the offices of Fidelity Investments, which owns about 8 percent of Occidental's shares, and criticized Vice President Al Gore, whose family owns at least a quarter of a million dollars' worth of Occidental stock. But government backing for Occidental's Colombia proposal runs far deeper than the Gore family's stock portfolio. 

The Nation has learned, from a government source and the internal memos of an Occidental lobbyist, that the Clinton Administration has been quietly helping the company--a generous donor to the Democrats in recent years--to win support in Colombia for its drilling plans. While Gore has strong ties to Occidental, the Administration's point man on the issue is Energy Secretary Bill Richardson, who last year traveled to Cartagena and met with government officials on the company's behalf. Richardson has also hired a former Occidental lobbyist to work in a key international-policy position at the Energy Department. 

Occidental has been eyeing the Colombian site, located in a lushly forested northern region near the town of Samore, for almost a decade. The company believes the Samore block holds 1.4 billion barrels of oil, which at today's prices would fetch about $35 billion on international markets. Occidental claims to have a strong environmental record in Colombia--already the number-seven supplier of American oil and sitting atop at least 2.6 billion barrels of untapped petroleum reserves--but its viewpoint is not widely shared. Oil spills from its Caño Limon pipeline, headquartered just north of U'wa land and repeatedly bombed by guerrillas, have badly polluted rivers and lakes. The Colombian Oil Workers' Union published a report in 1997 saying that Caño Limon is "the best example that petroleum exploitation should not be permitted in Samore at any price." The Colombian government, desperate to attract foreign investment in its moribund oil industry, has been supportive of Occidental's plans. 

However, pressure from the U'was and their international supporters has had an impact. Last year, President Andres Pastrana agreed to increase dramatically the size of the U'wa reservation. In 1998 PR fallout stemming from the Samore project led Shell Oil, which had been partners with Occidental, to sell its stake. For the U'was, opposition to Occidental amounts to a last stand. A 1998 report by Terry Freitas--one of three U'wa supporters from the United States killed by leftist guerrillas while visiting the tribe's territory last year--says that the Colombian government stripped the tribe of 85 percent of its land between 1940 and 1970. Tribal leaders say the U'was will commit collective suicide if Occidental is allowed to drill on their land. That may not be an idle threat. According to tribal lore, thousands of U'was jumped off a cliff in the seventeenth century in order to avoid submitting to the Spanish crown. Roberto Perez, president of the Traditional Authority of the U'wa People, says the struggle over Samore is a symbol of the indigenous rights movement in Colombia. "The key issue for indigenous groups is defending our territory," he said during an interview in early April, when he came to Washington to press the U'wa case. "The Occidental project is an affront to our livelihood, our lives and our culture." 

Traditionally a Republican firm, Occidental was linked to the Democrats for many years primarily through Gore's father, Senator Al Gore Sr. The elder Gore was such a loyal political ally that Occidental's founder and longtime CEO, Armand Hammer, liked to say that he had Gore "in my back pocket." When Gore Sr. left the Senate in 1970, Hammer gave him a $500,000-a-year job at an Occidental subsidiary and a seat on the company's board of directors. At the time of his death in 1998, Gore the elder's estate included hundreds of thousands of dollars' worth of Occidental stock. The Vice President is the executor of the estate, which still includes the stock and whose chief beneficiary is his mother. But Occidental's funneling of money to the Gore family doesn't end there. In the sixties, the Gores discovered zinc ore near land they owned in Tennessee. Through a company subsidiary Hammer bought the land for $160,000--twice the amount offered by the only other bidder. He swiftly sold the land back to Al Gore Sr. and agreed to pay him $20,000 a year for mining rights. After receiving his first payment, Gore Sr. sold the land for $140,000 to Gore Jr., who has received a $20,000 check nearly every year since he acquired it. Strangest of all, Occidental has never actually mined the land. Al Jr.'s coffers swelled further in 1985 when he began leasing the land to Union Zinc, an Occidental competitor. (For a full account of the Gore-Occidental relationship, see The Buying of the President 2000 by Charles Lewis and the Center for Public Integrity.) 

According to Neil Lyndon, who worked on Hammer's personal staff and ghosted his memoirs, Witness to History, the Occidental chieftain was as cozy with Gore Jr. as he was with Gore Sr. When he came to Washington, Hammer regularly met Gore for lunch or dinner. "They would often eat together in the company of Occidental's Washington lobbyists and fixers who, on Hammer's behest, hosed tens of millions of dollars in bribes and favours into the political world," Lyndon writes. Gore also hosted Hammer for Ronald Reagan's second inaugural and won him a prominent spot when George Bush was sworn in as President in 1989. Hammer's death the following year did not end the back-scratching between Occidental and Gore. In 1992 Occidental loaned the Presidential Inauguration Committee $100,000 to help pay for the ceremony. Four years later, the company gave $50,000 in soft money to the Democrats in response to a phone solicitation from Gore. All told, Occidental has donated nearly half a million dollars in soft money to Democratic committees and causes since Gore joined the ticket in 1992. For his current presidential run, Gore has raised $92,000 from the oil and gas industry. Occidental is his number-two donor in that category, with company executives and their wives donating $10,000 to fuel Gore's campaign. Occidental's investment in Gore has paid rich dividends.

In late 1997 the Vice President championed the Administration's $3.65 billion sale to the company of the government's interest in the Elk Hills oilfield in Bakersfield, California, the largest privatization of federal property in US history. On the very day the deal was sealed Gore gave a speech lamenting the growing threat of global warming. Gore also maintains a close friendship with Occidental CEO Ray Irani. In 1996 the latter spent the night in the Lincoln Bedroom. Two days later his company donated $100,000 to the DNC. In 1994 Irani traveled with Commerce Secretary Ron Brown on a trade junket to Russia. Four years later, Irani was invited to a state dinner at the White House for Colombian President Pastrana. The Clinton Administration says that since no US government money is financing Occidental's project in Samore, it will take no position on the company's investment. "It's a matter that involves the internal policies of another country," says Laura Quinn, a spokeswoman for the Vice President. Gore writes off his family's stock holdings in the company as an inheritance, and Quinn says that the Vice President "has not made a decision proactively himself to make investments." 

Privately, the Administration has allied itself with the company's cause. The key figure here is Richardson, who like Gore enjoys warm ties to Occidental. When Bangladeshi Commerce Minister Tofail Ahmed came to the United States for a visit in June 1998, Robert McGee, a lobbyist for Occidental, wrote to the Administration seeking meetings for him. (Occidental is one of many US energy companies eager to tap into Bangladesh's huge natural gas reserves.) Richardson, then the US ambassador to the United Nations, answered the call and met the minister. In October 1998, two months after Richardson had moved on to the Energy Department, McGee dropped him a note along with tickets to the Armand Hammer United World College Reception. (McGee's letters were listed in a summary log of contacts between Occidental and the Energy Department, which I obtained under a Freedom of Information Act request filed eight months ago. The log contains only one-sentence descriptions of the contacts in question. Despite repeated promises, copies of the documents themselves still have not been released.)

Last March Richardson hired a longtime Occidental lobbyist, Theresa Fariello, to serve as his deputy assistant secretary for international energy policy, trade and investment. While working for Occidental, Fariello, according to disclosure forms, lobbied the Energy Department on the company's interests in Colombia, as well as in Ecuador, Russia, Nigeria and Qatar. According to her current job description, Fariello "directs department relations with other nations, develops international energy policy and analyzes world energy market developments." (The summary log obtained under the FOIA refers to an August 1998 letter from Fariello to Richardson. The letter was given a priority level of "Important," though the subject was not given.) 

The revolving door has also been spinning in the opposite direction. To promote its Colombia plans, in 1997 Occidental hired Scott Pastrick of the PR firm Black, Kelly, Scruggs & Healey. Treasurer of the DNC during the scandal-racked 1996 campaign, Pastrick is an old friend of Gore's. His role in '96 included preparing "call sheets" that Gore used to brief himself on donors before making fundraising calls. (Pastrick got a bit of bad press for asking Johnny Chung to contribute $125,000 at a 1995 fundraiser at the home of Steven Spielberg.) Though no longer at the DNC, Pastrick retains remarkable access to the Administration. Last year he and his wife, Courtney, were invited to the state dinner for Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi, and they've given $4,000 to the Gore 2000 campaign. More important, says a government source, Scott Pastrick has an easy line to key Energy Department staffers, including Richardson's deputy chief of staff for international policy, Rebecca Gaghen. Pastrick has not returned phone calls seeking comment. Occidental also appears to be well plugged in at the US Embassy in Bogotá. The Nation obtained an embassy briefing paper on Samore, which puts a favorable spin on the project. According to the embassy, Occidental is carrying out programs in conjunction with the Samore project that "will directly benefit the [U'wa] and will also contribute to upgrade their infrastructure." Such an enthusiastic appraisal is no coincidence, since the embassy received the briefing paper directly from Occidental--the company's fax number is still at the top of each page, conveniently identifying the sender--and then put it out as its own. Occidental's drilling proposal is also being pushed by the US-Colombia Business Partnership, an organization headed by Michael Skol, who until early 1997 was the Clinton Administration's deputy assistant secretary of state for Latin America. Eleven major US companies with interests in Colombia, including Occidental, fund Skol's outfit.

All this firepower came together last spring, when Richardson headed to Colombia to speak at a forum organized by the Colombian Energy and Mines Ministry. While there, he talked up the Occidental project with government officials, including President Pastrana. According to the US government source, who was in Colombia at the time, Richardson spent the night at a presidential residence in Cartagena, where he and Pastrana were up until 2 am drinking rum and gabbing. "It was a real lovefest," this person says. "They really hit it off." Richardson's trip was a huge success for Occidental. Shortly after the secretary's return, Pastrick reported in a Black, Kelly memo that Richardson had held "positive" talks with Colombian officials about the Samore project and that "things are moving in the right direction." The FOIA log shows that on May 4, 1999, less than two weeks after sipping rum with Pastrana, Richardson wrote a letter to Colombian Energy Minister Luis Carlos Valenzuela urging him to improve the climate for multinationals seeking to invest in Colombia's energy sector. Five months later the Colombian government awarded Occidental the first exploratory-drilling license for the Samore block. (In pressuring Valenzuela, Richardson was pushing on an open door: 

This past January Valenzuela resigned in response to charges that he pressured a state energy company to sell cheap natural gas to an affiliate of the US energy company Enron.) Occidental and the Administration are also cooperating in promoting President Clinton's controversial $1.6 billion package in military aid for Bogotá. (Occidental already pays the Colombian military to keep an army base next to a refinery it runs in the country.) The aid request came in the wake of three reports--from the US State Department, the United Nations and Human Rights Watch--that slammed Pastrana's government for human rights abuses and for failing to cut ties between the army and paramilitary death squads. According to the Human Rights Watch report, at least seven senior military officials in Colombia who have links to paramilitary units are graduates of the US Army's School of the Americas in Fort Benning, Georgia. On February 15 an Occidental vice president, Lawrence Meriage, testified before a House subcommittee in favor of the package, saying that Colombia's military "lack mobility, equipment and, perhaps most serious, they lack the intelligence-gathering capabilities afforded to their better-funded adversaries." Meriage took the opportunity to denounce opposition to his company's Samore project, which he said is limited to "extremists" in Colombia and "several fringe nongovernmental organizations in the US." The latter--which Meriage didn't name but which include the Rainforest Action Network and Project Underground--are "de facto allies of the subversive forces that are attacking oil installations, electric power stations and other legitimate business enterprises," the Occidental executive said. 

The Clinton Administration's cozy relationship with Occidental stands in sharp contrast to its posture toward the U'was. Robert Perez of the U'was met with a number of members of Congress during his April visit but failed, despite repeated requests, to gain an audience with Gore. The same thing happened in 1997, when Gore stiffed Roberto Cobaria, a tribal official then visiting the capital. "We can generally get meetings with the Administration, but it's a question of who comes to the meetings," says David Rothschild of Amazon Alliance, who accompanied Cobaria during his 1997 Washington trip. "We rarely get anyone other than low-ranking officials. That gives you an idea of the level of interest the Administration has in the issue." Gore has also rebuffed members of his own party who have asked him to support the tribe. On February 22 Representative Cynthia McKinney wrote to Gore and urged him to meet with U'wa leader Perez and to support an immediate suspension of the Samore project. "I am concerned that the operations of oil companies, and in particular Occidental Petroleum, are exacerbating an already explosive situation, with disastrous consequences for the local indigenous people," she said. "I am contacting you because you have remained silent on this issue despite your strong financial interests and family ties with Occidental." McKinney wrote to Gore again on March 30 to complain that he had not responded to her earlier letter. A few days later, Gore finally dropped a note to McKinney to say that, regrettably, he didn't have the time to meet with Perez.  Ken Silverstein is a freelance writer based in Washington, DC. His book Private Warriors, which examines the post-cold war arms trade, is being published this month by Verso. Research assistance was provided by the Investigative Fund of the Nation Institute. 

 COLOMBIA AID PACKAGE PASSES IN THE SENATE APPROPRIATIONS COMMITTEE: US AID PACKAGE to COLOMBIA WILL BE CONSIDERED IN THE FULL SENATE AS EARLY AS TUESDAY, MAY 16 CONTACT YOUR SENATORS AND URGE THEM TO OPPOSE MILITARY AID TO COLOMBIA.

IN THE SENATE: On May 9, the Senate appropriations committee approved the U.S. aid package to Colombia. The aid package will now be considered in the full Senate as early as Tuesday, May 16. Some improvements were made in the Senate version of the bill. The overall package was cut down from $1.6 billion to $1.142 billion, $394 million of which is designated for other countries or U.S. agencies. The Senate version reduced the amount spent on military assistance, strengthened human rights conditions, increased congressional oversight, and included additional funds for human rights protection and civilian initiatives for peace. Even with these changes, the thrust of the package remains the same, it will send large amounts of military assistance to an abusive army, it will support ineffective drug policies, and it will draw the United States further into an unwinnable counterinsurgency war. In the Appropriations Committee on May 9, many Senators raised surprisingly strong concerns about the intent of the package. In addition, Senator Gorton of Washington State offered an amendment to eliminate almost $800 million from the package. Senators Gorton (R-WA), Domenici (R-NM), Burns (R-MT), Craig (R-ID), Leahy (D-VT), Harkin (D-IA), Mikulski (D-MD), Kohl (D-WI), Murray (D-WA), Durbin (D-IL) and Gregg (R-NH) voted for Gorton's amendment, but it was ultimately defeated 15 - 11. The U.S. aid package will now go to a vote by the full Senate. Senator Wellstone will offer an amendment to shift funds from Colombian military aid to drug treatment at home. As indicated in yesterday's vote, there is skepticism about the U.S. aid package, constituents CAN MAKE A DIFFERENCE and defeat the military portion of the package by contacting their Senators. CALL YOUR SENATORS and urge them to oppose all military aid to Colombia, support the Wellstone or any other amendment to shift aid from military assistance, increase funds for the internally displaced, and retain human rights conditions. ***For up-to-date info on the U.S. aid package including details on the dollar amounts included in Senate version of the bill, visit the CIP web-page http://www.ciponline.org/colombia/aid/
 
 

B A C K G R O U N D _: On January 11, 2000, the Clinton administration introduced a $1.3 billion aid package to Colombia, the majority of which was targeted for the Colombian military, a military with a notorious human rights record. On Thursday, March 30th, the full House of Representatives approved the 2000 emergency supplemental aid package (HR 3908), which included $1.7 billion in aid for Colombia and surrounding countries. Despite strong efforts by some Representatives to cut the money designated for military aid to Colombia, the supplemental package emerged with the Colombia package intact and without strong human rights conditions on aid for the Colombian military. The Senate Republican leadership then delayed the package because of budget concerns and decided to consider it during the current appropriations process. CALL YOUR SENATORS AND ASK THEM TO: 1) Oppose the portion of the supplemental aid package that provides military aid to Colombia; 2) Support Senator Wellstone's amendment that shifts funds for military assistance to demand reduction, drug prevention and treatment programs in the United States and any other positive amendments that cut or shift military assistance to Colombia; 3) Support amendments that increase humanitarian assistance for Colombia's estimated 1.8 million internally displaced persons; 4) Retain strong human rights conditions already included in the bill; 5) SPEAK-OUT! The more senators that speak out during the Senate debate, the better. Please ask your senators to share their concerns regarding human rights in Colombia during the vote. TALKING POINTS + This aid package will not only pour hundreds of millions of dollars into the most abusive military in the Western Hemisphere, but it will almost certainly destabilize fragile peace negotiations and undermine support of a negotiated settlement. +To avoid getting the United States more deeply involved with Colombia's infamous armed forces, I ask you to oppose aid to the Colombian army due to human rights concerns, especially army links at a regional and local level to brutal paramilitary forces. +Instead, I urge you to support a substantial positive aid package for Colombia, including: humanitarian relief for people displaced by violence; crop substitution programs for small farmers to switch from coca to legal crops; economic assistance; programs to strengthen Colombian government investigations into human rights violations and drug trafficking; aid for civil society efforts for human rights and peace. +Finally, because the United States "War on Drugs" is one that must be fought at home, I ask you to increase funding for drug treatment and prevention programs here in our own country. HOW TO CONTACT YOUR MEMBERS OF CONGRESS: Call the U.S. Capitol switchboard: 202-224-3121 Or look up your members of Congress on the Internet: http://www.house.gov or http://www.senate.gov For more information contact: Latin America Working Group: (202) 546-7010, lawg@lawg.org U.S. Colombia/Coordinating Office (202) 232-8090, agiffen@igc.org 

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